Southeast Asia Divided: The ASEAN-indochina Crisis by Donald E. Weatherbee

Author:Donald E. Weatherbee [Weatherbee, Donald E.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Ethnic Studies, American, Asian American Studies, Social Science, Political Science, World, Asian, Regional Studies
ISBN: 9780865318953
Google: TKKqDwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 3685763
Publisher: Westview Press, Inc.
Published: 1985-02-20T00:00:00+00:00

Notes

1. See various issues of China Business Review for trade figures. Trade between China and all of the Southeast Asian nations have not surpassed six percent in recent years. For a discussion of China’s strategic interests in Southeast Asia, see Yuan-li Wu, The Strategic Land Ridge. Also see Jay Taylor, China and Southeast Asia: Peking’s Relations with Revolutionary Movements (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974).

2. See John F. Copper, China’s Global Role: An Analysis of Peking’s National Power Capabilities in an Evolving International System (Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press, 1980) for further details in China’s role as a global and regional power and Melvin Gurtov, China and Southeast Asia: The Politics of Survival (Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins-University Press, 1975).

3. See John F. Copper, “China’s Global Strategy,” Current History, September 1981, for further details on this point.

4. See Douglas Pike, “The Impact of the Sino-Soviet Dispute on Southeast Asia,” in Herbert J. Ellison, ed., The Sino-Soviet Conflict: A Global Perspective (Seattle, Washington: University of Washiniton Press, 1982).

5. See John F. Copper, “China’s Foreign Aid in 1978,” Occasional Papers/Reprints Series in Contemporary Asian Studies (School of Law, University of Maryland, Number 6, 1979).

6. For details, see Sheldon Simon, “China and Southeast Asia: Security in Transition,” in Sheldon Simon, ed., The Military and Security in the Third World: Domestic and International Impacts (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1978). It is worthy to note that Deng Xiaoping later said that US relations peaked in 1979.

7. Accounts vary regarding the scope of Pol Pot’s reign of terror. The US State Department and Newsweek have estimated that 2.5 to 3 million were killed. Former President Lon Nol puts the figure at 3.5 million, or almost one-half of the nation’s total population.

8. This theme, while accepted by many historians based on China’s long support of Vietnam and its early position that the communist movements in Cambodia and Laos should be led by Vietnam, is contradicted by Chinese behavior at the Geneva Conference in 1954. See, for example, John Gittings, The World and China, 1922-1972 (New York: Harper and Row, 1974), p. 194, and various pages of Chapter 4 of Jay Taylor, China and Southeast Asia: Peking’s Relations with Revolutionary Movements (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974).

9. See Japan Times, March 27, 1984, p. 3.

10. See Harlan W. Jencks, “China’s ‘Punitive’ War on Vietnam: A Military Assessment,” Asian Survey, XIX:8 (August 1979), pp. 801-815.

11. It is important to note that the United States has opposed Hanoi getting economic help from both international organizations and other Western nations and has been very successful in this endeavor. Only small amounts of Western humanitarian aid are available to Vietnam.

12. For an early view of this theme, see Nguyen Manh Hung, “The Sino-Vietnamese Conflict: Power Play among Communist Neighbors,” Asian Survey, XIX:11 (November 1979), pp. 1037-1052.

13. See “Aggressors Destined for Defeat,” Beijing Review, January 9, 1984.

14. “Premier Zhao on Asian Affairs,” Beijing Review, February 20, 1984, p. 9.

15. The text of China’s five point proposal is included as Document X in Part Two.

16. See Sheldon W.

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